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/ 

OBSERVATIONS 

ON THE 

IMPRESSMENT OF 

AMERICAN SEAMEN 

BY THE OFFICERS OF SHIPS OF WAR, AND VES- 
SELS COMMISSIONED BY, AND ACTING 
UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF 

GREAT BRITAIN; 

WITH A FEW REMARKS ON THE DOCTRINE OF 

NON-EXPATRIATION. 

■to WHICH IS ADDED, A CORRECT LIST OF 

IMPRESSED SEAMEN, „ 

TAKEN FROM DOCUMElfTS LAID BEFORE CONGRESS. 

ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U, STATES, 



BY A CITIZEN OF BALTIMORE. 



BALTIMORE : PRINTED BY AND FOR G. DOBBIN & MURrHY> 
NO. 4, BALTIMORE-STREET. 

1806. 



^ 



- '(n\ 



OBSERVATIONS 

ON THE 

IMPRESSMENT OF 
AMERICAN SEAMEN, &c. 



" ARE ye not mark'd by all the clrc'ling world 
As the great ftake, the laft effort for liberty ? 
Say, is it not your wealth, the thirft, the food. 
The fcope and bright ambition of your fouls ? 
Why elfe have you, and your renowned forefathers, 
' From the proud fummit of their glitt'ring thrones^ 
Call down the mightieft of your lawful kings 
That dared the bold infringement ? what but liberty 
Aloof hath held invafion from your hills, 
And fandlified their fhade ? and will ye, will ye, 
Shrink from the hopes of the expeefting world j 
Bid your high honors ftoop to Foreign infulty 
And in one hour give up to infamy 
The harveft of a thoufand years of glory ?" 

GUSTAVUS VASA. 

JL HERE is no obfcrvation more frequently 
made, or more folidly founded in truth, than that 
the legitimate end of every government, is live hap- 
pinefs and prote£^ion of the governed. In the dif- 
cuflion of queftions of dubious policy, or ab(lra£t 
morality, the mind often wanders in the labyrinths 



( 4 ) 

of doubt and uncertainty, and its aberrations are 
fandioned by the perplexing obfcurity of the objedls 
of its contemplation. But this is a pofition, fo ob- 
vious and univerfal, that like a felf-evident truth, it 
fpnrns at logical dedu£lion, and is equally imprefied, 
with tndemic modifications, on the mind of the 
houfelefs favaj^e and the learned civilian. Since then 
one of the principal ends of the inftituti(5n of go- 
vernment is the protection of its citizens, it follows 
as a neceflary confequence and corrollary, that they 
have an indifputable claim upon the government to 
vindicate their rights and liberties whenever they are 
invaded by foreign or domeftic violence. And it 
flioulcl be remembered that every citizen, however 
fubordinate in the fcale of the community, has an 
equal claim with the mod powerful, to this impor- 
tant right, a right with which he is inverted by the 
civil compa£l, and which is as virtually attached to 
the naturalized, as to the native citizen. Thefe con- 
fiderations naturally occur to the mind as it refleds 
on the tyrannical oppreffion pradifed on American 
Seamen, by ihips of war and veiTels, commiflioned 
by, and ading under the authority of, Great Bri- 
tain. — The magnitude of the fleets of that nation, 
which almoll bridge the ocean, gives her an uncon- 
trouled fuperlority on that element, which feems 
deftined to be the peculiar theatre of her glorw.. 
" Divifuin imperlum cum Neptuno Brit.nnnia habet." 
Hince flie poffefles the power, and feldom wants 
the inclination, (as her condu^ towards America 



( 5 ) 



fufficiently evinces) to diftrefs the commerce of neu- 
tral nations, by capturing and condemning their vef- 
fels and property, under falfe and frivolous pre- 
tences, or by inflidling a deadlier lucitnd on their na- 
tional profperity, by the imprefTment of their fea- 
inen. The former of thefe injuries, to the Argus 
eyes of ^nrercft, has affumed of late fo alarming an 
afpedl, and is fo deftrudlive in its indifcriminate ope- 
ration,, of the commercial interefts of our country, 
that it has become the fubje£l: of petition and re- 
monflrance to the government, from every part of 
the union,* and forms at this moment, the mod im^ 
portant objetl of congreflional deliberation. 

It is not, however, the intention of the writer of 
thefe remarks, to expatiate on the capture and cou- 
fifcation of American property by Great Britain ; 
nor to difcufs an important queftion of the law of 
nations, arifing out of, and neceflarily connected 
with, the extraordinary inhibitions of that power : 
Abler pens, and more enlightened minds are en- 
gaged in the toilfome iiiveftigation, and will no doubt 
illicit truth from the collifion of argument. But 
he begs leave to offer a few remarks on the imprefT- 
ment, and forcible detention, by the Britifli, of our 
ufeful and brave fellow-citizens, the feamen of Ame- 
rica. Deeply impreffed, with the importance of the 
fubje£l, and fincerely lamenting the indignities of- 
fered* to our country, of which, indeed, every dny, 

* Witnt'fs the memorials from Boflon, Salem, New-York, 
Philad^Ipljia, Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleflon, &c. 



( 6 ) 



as it pafTes, furnifhes fome new and humiliating ex- 
amples ; he will give his obtervations, defective as 
they may appear, openly and without referve to the 
public :— He has no perfonal injuries to complain of, 
no party intereft to promote, no private refentment 
to gratify: and trulls that his remarks will be read 
as they are written, with candor and impartiality. 

In the pofTeflion of a vaft extent of fertile territo- 
ry, it has ever been the policy of the government of 
the United States, to encourage emigration from all 
parts of the globe ; a benign and happy policy : which 
offers to the oppreffed and unfortunate of all nations, 
fecurity under mild and equal laws, and ample fcope 
for honeft exertion. This, as we (hall hereafter en- 
deavour to (hew, was not a novel procedure in the 
hiPory of nations, nor a meafure peculiar to, nor 
devifed by, the United States. Naturalization and 
denization are equally known and fandlioned in Eu- 
rope, whence, in fa£l:, the idea of the meafure was 
borrowed by America. In purfuance of this policy, 
the general government declared by feveral a£ts,* 
(altered and amended at different periods) that emi- 
grants from foreign countries to the United States, 
after a certain probationary refidence, and comply- 
ing with the requifitions of faid a£ls, fliould be ad- 
mitted to the rights and privileges of American 
citizens. 

It is fcarcely neceffary to ftate, that in confequcnce 
of the encouragement and proteflion held out to 
* See the Adls of Congrefs 



( 7 ) 

emigrants by our government, thoufands of our poor 
and opprefled fellow men, embraced the pleafing of- 
fer of peace and fecurity in our country, and fled 
from the devaftations of that ftorm, which for thir- 
teen years, with one temporary intermiffion, has 
darkened and defolated Europe. America became 
the ark of repofe for the wearied and opprefled of 
that devoted quarter of the world, where war and 
devaftation ftalk hand in hand, through uncultivated 
fields and deferted villages. A great part of thofe 
who thus emigrated to our (liores, were admitted in 
due feafon to the rights of citizenfhip. And the 
American government became bound in duty and ia 
honor, to extend the fame protedlion to her natu- 
ralized, as to her native citizens. For the inftanc 
that they are admitted to the rights of citizenfhip, 
the national faith becomes pledged for the afler- 
tion and maintainance of their rights and liberties, as 
citizens of the United States. 

The rapidity with which the wealth and commerce 
of America have increafed, fince her feparation from 
Great Britain, a rapidity unequalled in the hiitory of 
nations, has far exceeded the hopes of her friends, 
and the calculations of her rivals. The fun does 
not fhine on a corner of the commercial world where 
her flag is not difplayed, nor the winds raife a wave, 
which is not cleft by her keels. Her importance 
among nations was commenfurate with her domeflic 
property, and furveying, from afar, the war and tu- 
mult which were rending Europe afunder, and coa- 



( « ) 



templatiijg, with gratitude to the divine author of all 
good, the diftinguifhed bleffmg of her own fecurity. 
Hie might exclaim in the language of the poet. 

Suave, mari magno turbantlbus sequora ventis, 
E terra, magnum alterius fpedlare laborem : 
Non quia vexari quemquam eft jucunda voluptas, 
Sed quibus ipfe malis careas, quia cernere fuave eft."* 

Lucretius Book 2d* 

The increafe of her native population, howeverj 
could not keep pace with the increafe of her com- 
merce J nature having fixed limits to the multipli- 
cation, though not to the enterprize, of man. The 
demand for feamen increafed as her commerce ex- 
tended itfelf, her native failors could not fupply the 
demand ; wages rofe to an uncalculated height ; and 
the deficiency in the crews of her merchant veflels, 
was fupplyed, in many inftances, by foreigners and 
emigrants to America 5 among whom were fome 
native horn fubjeils of the king of Great Britain, 
who fought to ameliorate their condition by renounc- 
ing their country for ours, and becoming citizens of 
the United States. 

Great Britain, envious of the growing greatnefs 
of America, or unwilling that fhe (liould participate 
in branches of commerce which (he confidered her 
exclufive property, (for what other conllru£lion cau 

•vt (c ''j'js pleafant, when the feas are rough, to ftand 

And view another's danger, fafe at land ; 

Not 'caufe he's troubled, but 'tis fweet to fee 

Thoie cares and fears, from which ourfelves are free. 

Creec//s Tranjlation. 



( 9 ) 



reafon give to her condu<Sl:) commenced a fyftem cf 
outrage and depredation on the American flag, for 
which a parallel oiuft be fought in the hiflory of bar' 
barous and favage nations. 

Her fliips of war boarded our veffels on the higli 
feas, and in the harbours of friendly nations, treated 
their officers with the mod contemptuous abufe, in- 
timidated them by threats of perfonal violence, which 
in many indances, were carried into efiFedi,* and ty- 
rannically imprefled their crews, which by the law oS. 
nations are protfc6ied by a neutral flag. Inftances 
are not unfrequcnt, in which they have left the of- 
ficers of veflels, expofed to the danger of ike feas 
for wani: of hands to navigate their fliip, or to periiii 
on that element for want of food, being rendered 
incapable of making any port whatfoever, on account 
©f the lofs of their crews. To juftify tbefe extra- 

* The writer of thefe remarks can fafely flate, without the 
danger of contradiction, that in the month of March or April in 
the year i8oi, aa AnKrican captain, in the ifland of St. Bartlip- 
lomews, (then lately captured by Admiral Dutkworth} was 
taken out of his own veflcl, which he had chartered to the Bij- 
tifli government, to bring water from St. Kitts for the ufe of the 
Britifh troops, and carried on board an Englifli floop of war tl en 
jn the harbour, and was, by order or her ruffian cpmraander'^ 
•f Younghulbandf ) without any caufe or provocation whatever, 
tied to a gun, and received 20 or 30 lafhes from a bQatfwain't 
mat«. He applied for redrefs, and, as mig^^ht be expe<Jled, obtained 
pone. 

•|- This fellow, we hear, has fince been promoted to the co?i>- 
tnand of a frigate. 

B 



( 10 ) 

ordinary violations of the rights of a neutral and 
friendly nation, Great Britain, ever prolific in expe- 
dients, had recourfe to the fubtlety and finefs of her 
civilians. Thofe legal conduit pipes, through which the 
will of the government is conveyed, declared,That the 
right of expatriation never exifted but in the imagi- 
nations of modern innovators. That no Britifti fub- 
jedt could renounce his allegiance to his king, by any 
zQ of his own, not even by fwearing allegiance to 
another power ; that the king has a conftitutional 
right to the phyfical exertions of his fubjefts in time 
of war, and in every emergency in which he may 
think proper to command them. And confequently 
that the commanders of Britifh (hips of war were 
juilified in examining the crews of the veffels of 
nrutral nations on the high feas, and impreffing all 
perfons found on board of them who were natives 
of any part of his Britannic majefty's dominions. 
A dodrine fo tyrannical in principle, fo unfupported 
by reafon, and fo reftridive of the natural freedom 
of man, fcarcely deferves the refped of refutation. 
However, fince it has received the fandion of a ju- 
dicial deciflion* in our country, a deciflion which 

* On the trial of Ifaac Williams, in the diflrldt court of Con- 
T3ei5licut, February 27, 1797, for accepting a coniminion under 
the French Republic, and under the auihority thereof commit- 
ting adls of hoftility againft Great Britain, the defendant alledg- 
ed, and offered to prove that he had expatriated himfelf from 
the United States, and become a French citizen before the com- 
mencement of the war between France and England. This pro- 
duced a queflion as to the right of expatriation ; when Judge 



( 11 ) 



o'cry Amerlean, and every friend to humanity mud 
read with indignation, we will beg leave to make a 
few obfervations, and quote the opinions of a few 
but refept'Clable writers on the fubjeiSl to (hew, 
that this dotlrine ftands as unfupported by autho- 
rity, as it is repugnant to natural reafon. Among 
the cevilians of that nation who have laboured to 
interpolate this lingular dotlrine into the code of 

Ellfworth, then chief juftice of the United States, it faid to 
have delivered an opinion nearly to the following effed. 

" The common law of this country remains the fame as It 
was before the revolution. The prefcnt queftion is to be decided 
by two great principles ; one is, that all the members of a civil 
community are bound to each other by compad^ ; the other is, 
that one of the parties to this compadl cannot difTolve it by his 
own afl. The compadl between our community and it's mem- 
bers is, that the community fliall protecfl it's members, and flu 
the part of the members, that they will at all times be obedient 
to the laws of the community, and faithful in it's defence. It ne- 
ceflarily refults that the members cannot diflblve this compacft, 
•without the confent or default of the community. There has 
been no confent — no default. Exprefs confent is not claimed ; 
but it is argued that the confent of the community is implied, 
by it's policy — it's conditions — and it's ads. In countries fo 
crouded with inhabitants, that the means of fubfiftence are diffi- 
cult to be obtained, it Is reafon and policy to permit emigration j 
but oar policy is different ; for our country is but fcarcely fet- 
tled, and we have no inhabitants to fpare. 

" Confent has been argued from the condition of the coun- 
try, becaufe we were in a ftate of peace. But though we were 
in peace, the war had commenced in Europe. We wifhed to 
have nothing to do with the war; but the war would have 
fomethinj? to do with us. It has been extremely difficult for us 



( 12 ) 

nations, tht karned judge Blackdone is the itiofl: 
eniinent, and will thetcforc command oui attention. 
'^ " It is a principle of univerfal law (fays that fkilful 
jurif^) that the natoral born fubjed of one prince 
cannot by any att of his own, no not even by fwear- 
irig allegiartee: to another; put off, or difcharge his 
riatural allegiance to the former." 

Blac Com. vol. i, page 369./ 

Mr. Tucker, the erudite annotator on Blackftone's 

Commentaries, in his refutation of the principle here 

laid down, informs us on the authority of Plato, that 

at Athens it was lawful for every man, after he had 

to keep out of this war; the progrefs of it has threatened to 
involve us. It has been necefiary for our governmtnt to be 
vigilant in reftraining our own citizens from thofe acfis whick 
would involve us in hoftiiities. The moft vifionary writers on 
this i'ubjecfl do not contend for the principle in the unlimited 
extent, that a cit'zen may, at any, and at all times, renounce 
his own, and join himfelf to a foreign country. 

" Confent has been argued from the aif^s of our government 
permitting the naturalization of foreigners. When a foreigner 
prefents himfelf here, we do not inquire what his relations is to 
his own country ; we have not the means of knowing, and the 
inquiry would be indelicate ; we leave him to judge of that. If 
he emharralTcs himfelf by contracfling contraditflory obligations, 
the fault and tolly are his own; but this implies no confent of 
the government that our own citizens fliould alfo expatriate 
themfclves. It is, therefore my opinion, that thefe fails which 
the prifoner ofiers to prove, in his defence, are totally irrele- 
vant," &c. The prifoner was accordingly found guilty, fin^d 
and imprifoned. See the account of his trial. National Maga- 
v.ine. No. 3, p. 254. I prcfame not to anfwer for the correinnefs 
of it. Tucker's Blac. 



( 13 ) 



examined the laws and cuftoms of the Republic, it 
he did not approve of them, to quit the city, and re- 
tire where he pleafed with his effe£ls.* By the con- 
ftitution of the Roman Commonwealth, no citizen 
could be forced to leave the Commonwealth ; or, if 
he pleaftd not to leave it, when h- was made a 
member of another which he preferred to it. And 
therefore Cicero fays, that a little before his remem- 
brance, feveral citizens of Rome, men of credit and 
fortunes, voluntarily left that, and fettled themfelves 
in other commonwealths. And the way, fays he, 
lies open from every ftate to ours, and from ours to 
every other. This right he extols in the moft em- 
phatic manner. *' What noble rights !f which by 
the blefling of Heaven have been enjoyed by us and 
our anceftors ever fmce the ftate begun, that none 
of us fhould be forced to leave our country, or ftay 
in it againft our will. This is the immoveable foun- 
dation of our liberty, that every man is mafter of 
his own right, and may keep it, or refign it as he 
pleafes.":]: Thefe inftances, fays Mr. Tucker, which 

* Tucker's Blackftone, part ad, vol. i, page 190. 

•]• .0 jura prsEclara, atque divinitus jam inde a principio Ro- 
inani nominis a majoribus nofiris comparata, nequis moflrum 
plus quam uniue Civitatis efle pofit, nequis invitus CIvitate mu- 
tetur ; neve in CIvitate maneat invitus. Hac funt fundamenta 
firmiffima noftrae llbertatis, i'ui quemquam juris et retinendi 
et dimittendi efie doimnutn. Oratlo pro L. Cornelto Balbo. 

j: Tucker's P.lac. part 2d. vol. i. appendix, page 191, and 
Barlemaqui, Natural Law, sd part, page 95. 



( 14) 



are cited by Puftendorf* on this fubjeft, prove at 
leaft that this principle was neither to be found in 
the Athenian or Roman inftitutions. 
( Vattelf who discufles this queftion with his aC- 
cuftomed logical precifion, fays, there are cafes in 
which a citizen has an abfolute right to renounce his 
country and abandon it entirely. If the citizen 
cannot procure fubfiftence in his own country he is 
doubtlefs permitted to feek it in another. For the 
political or civil fociety being entered into only with 
a view of facilitating to each the means of living 
in happinefs and iafety, it would be abfurd to pre- 
tend that a number whom it cannot furniih with 
fuch things as are moft neceflary, has not a right 
to leave xt-X And again, the right of emigration 
may arife from feveral fourc"s.§ 

After adducing many inftances in which the right 
of emigration (or as it is called, expatriation) is fecur- 
ed to the fubject, Vattel proceeds to ftate the various 
cuftoms of fome modern nations in this refpeft. The 
citizens of Ncufchatel and Valengen, in Switzerland, 
may quit the country and carry off thair efFedts in 
what manner they pleafe ; a citizen of Berne may, 

* Law of Nature and Nations, Book 8, Chap ii. 

-j- " One of the moft correifl profelTors of public law." Sir 
William Scott, in the judgment in the cafe of the Swedifli fhip 
Maria, High Court of Admiralty, 1799. 

X Vattel's Law of Nations, Book i, ch. 19, fee. zxi- 
^ Ibid, fee. 225. 



( 15) 



if he pleafes, remove to Fribourg, and reciprocallj', 
a citizen of Fribourg may go and fettle at Bern, and 
he has a right to take all his cffedls with him.* On 
the other hand it appears from feveral hiftorical 
fa<Sl:s, particularly in the hiflory of iSwitzerland, and 
the neighbouring countries, that the law of nations, 
cftabliflied there by cuftom for fome years paft, does 
not permit a ftate to receive the fubjects of another 
flate into the number of its citizens. This vicious 
cujloniy fays Vottel^ had tio other foundation than the 
flavery to ivhich the people ivere then reduced. A Prince y 
a Lordy conjidered his fubje5ls in the rank of his property 
and riches y he calculated their 7iiimher as he did his flocks ^ 
and to the difgrace of human nature ^ this Jlrange abufe 
is not yet every ivhere de/lroyed.\ 

Burlemaqui, treating of the duties ^nd rights of 
citizens, delivers his opinion on this fubje6l as fol- 
lows : It is a right natural to all free people, that 
every one fljould have the liberty of removing out of the 
Commoniuealthf if he thinks proper. In a word, when 
a man becomes a member of a ftate, he does not for 
that reafon entirely renounce the care of himfelf and 
his own affairs. On the contrary he feeks a power- 
ful proteflion, under the fhelter of which he may 
procure to himfelf both the neceflaries and conve- 
niences of life. Thus the fubjeds of a ftate cannot 
be denied the liberty of fettling elfewhere, in order 
to procure the advantages which they do not find in 

* Vattdjbook i, ch. 19, fee, 225, and Tucker's Blackflone, 
part 2c1,vol. I, appendix, page 92. f Ibid. 



( 16 ) 



their native country.* And againjf fome make 
quellion whether fubje£ls can go out of the (late in 
great companies ? In this point Grotius and PufFen- 
don are of oppofitt fentimenrs.:|: As for my own 
part (he contmues) I am of opinion, that it can hard- 
ly happen that fubjects Ihould go out of the {late in 
large companies, except in one of the two following 
cafes : either when the government is tyrannical, oi; 
when d multitude of people cannot fubfiil in the 
country; as when manufacturers, for example, or 
other tradefmcn cannot find the means of making 
or diilributing their commodities. In thefe circum- 
ftances, the fubje£ls may retire if they will, and they 
are authorized fo to do, by virtue of a tacit exception. 
If the government is tyrannical it is the duty of the 
fovereign to change his conduft, for no fubjedl is 
obliged to Hvc under tyranny. If mifery forces them 
to remove, this is alfo a reafonable exception againft 
the moft exprefs engagements. § 
/The profound Mr. Locke, than whom no higher 
authority can be produced on this or any other fub- 
je£l that once engaged his inquifitive refearch, pofi- 
tively denies the exiftence of a right in governments 

* Burlemaqui's Natural and Political Law, vol. a, part s ch. 
5, fee. la. t Ibid, fee. 16. 

X Grotius of the Right of War and Peace, Book jd, ch. 4, 
fee. a4 ; and Pufieudorf of the Law of Nature aud Natiorvs, 
book 8, ch. II, fee. 4. 

§ Burlemaqui, vol. 2, part 2d, ch. 5, fee. z<5. 



( 17 ). 



Fo prohibit the emigration of their fubje£ls or citi- 
zens. There are no examples, fays he, fo frequent 
in hiftory, both facred and profane, as thofeofnien 
withdrawing themfelves and their obedience from 
the jurifdidtion they were born under, and the fami- 
ly or community they were bred up under, and fct- 
ting up new governments in other places.* /This 
has been the practice of the world from the firfl be- 
ginning to this day — nor is it now any more hind* 
ranee to the freedom of men, that they are bora 
under conftituted and ancient politics, that have ef- 
tablifhed laws and fet forms of government, than i£ 
they were born in the woods, amongft the unconfin- 
cd inhabitants that run loofe in them. For thofe 
who would perfude us, that by being born under a- 
ny government, we are naturally fubjedts of it, and 
have no more any title or pretence to the freedom of 
the ftate of nature, have no other reafon, (bating 
that of parental authority) to produce for it, but on- 
ly becaufe our fathers or progenitors pafled away 
their natural liberty, and thereby bound up them- 
felves and their pofterity to a perpetual fubjedlion to 
the government whioh they themfelves fubmitted to. 
It is true, that whatever engagements or promifes 
any one made for himfelf, he is under the obligation 
of them, but cannot, by any compacSl whatfoever, 

* Eflay on Civil Government, book ad. fecflion iij. — Loff* 
<1on edition, t68o. 

c 



( 18) 

bind his children or pofterity.* For his fon, when 
a man, being altogether as free as the father, any a£l 
of the father can no more give away the liberty of 
the fon, than it can of any body elfe. He may in- 
deed annex fuch conditions to the land he enjoyed as 
a fubjcdl of any commonwealth, as may oblige his 
fon to be of that community, if he will enjoy thofe 
pofleflions which were his father's ; becaufe the ef- 
tate being the father's property, he may difpofe or 
fettle it as he pleafes.f 

And this has generally given the occafion to the 
miflake in this matter, becaufe commonwealths not 
permitting any of their dominions to be difmember- 
cd, nor to be enjoyed by any but thofe of their com- 
munity, the fon cannot ordinarily enjoy the poffeffi- 
ons of his father, but under the fame terms his fa- 
ther did, by becoming a member of the fociety — 
whereby he puts himfelf prefently under the govern- 
ment he finds there eftablifhed, as much as any other 
fubje£l of that commonwealth. And thus the con- 
fent of freemen, born under governments, ivh'tch 
only makes them members of it, being given fepa- 
ratcly in their turns, as each comes to be of age, and 
not in a multitude together ; people t?.ke no notice of 
it, and thinking it not done at all, or not neceffary, 

* Alfo Grotius. — " By th,e bare law of nature, no man is 
bound by the fail of another, but he that inherits his goods.'' 
Book 3d. ch. 2d. 

t Locke, EfTay on Civ. Govern, b. 2d. fee. 116. 



( 19 ) ^ 

(uonclude that they are naturally fubje£ls as they are 
men.* 

( In the cafe of Talbut againft Janfon,f decided in 
the fupreme court of the United States, at Auguft 
term, 1795, in which the right of expatriation was 
ably difcufl'ed, it was contended for the appellant, as 
follows; — " The right of expatriation is antecedent 
and fuperior to the law of fociety. It is implied, 
likewife, in the nature and obje£l of the focial com- 
pa£l, which was formed to Ihield the weaknefs, and 
to fupply the wants of individuals — to protedt the 
acquifitions of human induftry, and to promote the 
means of human happinefs. Whenever thefe pur- 
pofes fail, either the whole fociety is diflblved, or the 
fufFering individuals are permitted to withdravir from 
it. There are two memorable inftances of the expa- 
triation of entire nations (independent of the gene- 
ral courfe of the patriarchal or paftoral life) the one 
in ancient, and the other in modern ftory. When 
the Perfians approached Athens, the whole Atheni- 
an nation embarked in the fleet of Themiftocles, and 
left Attica, for a time, in poiTeffion of the Perfians. 
(Plut. in Vit. Themift. Trav. of Anachar. i vol. 
page 268.) ^ 

In the year 1771 a whole nation of Tartars, called 

* Loffke, fee. 117. 

\ See this cafe reported at length in Dallas's Reports, vol. 3d. 
We do not quote the whole argument, which is prolix, but on< 
ly fuch parts of it as were confidered jmoft applicable to oirr 
fabjeft. 



( 20 ) 

*' Tourprouths," making fifry thoufand families, or 
three liundred thoufand fouls, emigrated from the 
banks of the Wolj^a, in Ruflia, and, after a progrefs 
of inconceivable difficulty, fettled in the dominions 
of the emperor of China, who hofpitably received 
them, and ere£led a monument on the fpot, to com- 
memorate the event. (Col. Mag. for Feb. 1788 ) — 
But the abflraft right of individuals to withdraw from 
the fociety of which they are members, is recogniz- 
ed by an uncommon coincidence of opinion-— by e- 
every writer, ancient and modern ; by the civilian, 
as well as by the Common Law Lawyer ; by the Phi- 
lofopher as well as the Poet — it is the law of Nature 
and of Nature's God, pointing to " the wide world 
beffvre us, where to chufe our place of reft, and Pro- 
vidence our guide." — (2 Bynk. 125. Wickfont, b. i 
c. 2 p. 1 16. Grot. b. 2. 5. § 24 et elii.) With this 
law however, human inftitutions hi'.ve been often at 
variance ; and no inftitutions more than the feudal 
fyiWm, which made the tyranny of arms the bafis of 
fo^'iety ; chained men to the foil on which they were 
born ; and converted the bulk of mankind into the 
vilieins, or fiaves of a lord, or fuperior. From the 
feudal fyftem, fprung the law of allegiance ; which 
purfuing the nature of its origin, refts on lands ; for 
when lands were eil^ held of the crown, then the 
oath cf allegiance became appropriate : it was the te- 
nure of the tenant or vaffal. (Blac. Com. 366) The 
oath of fealty, and the ancient caft of allegiance, 
vi^ere, almoll the fame 5 both reding on lands j both- 



(21 ) 

defignating the perfon to whom fervice (hould be ren^ 
dered ; though the one makes an exception as to the 
fuperior Lord, while the other is an obligation of fi- 
delity againft all men. (Black. Com. 2. 53. Pal. 140) 
Service, therefore, was alfo an infeparable concom- 
itant of fealty, as well as of allegiance. The oath 
of fealty could not be violated without the lofs of the 
lands ; and as all the lands were held mediately, or 
immediately, of the fovereign, a violation of the 
oath of allegiance, was, in faft, a voluntary fubmif- 
fion to a ftate of outlawry. Hence arofe the dodlrinc 
of perpetual and univerfal allegiance. When, how- 
ever, the light of reafon was fhed upon the humaa 
mind, the intercourfe of man became more general 
and more liberal; the military was gradually changed 
for the commercial ftate ; and the laws were found a 
better proteftion for perfons and property, than arms. 
But even while the pra£lical adminiftration of go- 
vernment was thus reformed, fome portion of the 
ancient theory was preferved; and among the other 
things, the doctrine of perpetual allegiance remained, 
with the ficlitious tenure of all lands from the crown 
to fupport it. /let, it is to be remembered, that 
whether in its real origin^ or in its artificial ftate, 
allegiance as well as fealty refts upon landsy and it 
is due to perfons. Not fo, with refpedl to citizen- 
fhip, which has arifen from the diflblution of the 
feudal fyftem ; and is a fubftitute for allegiance cor- 
refponding with the new order of things. Allegi- 
aace and citizenfiiip differ, indeed, in aimoft every 



( 22 ) 

characleriftic. Citizenfhip is the efFecb of compad ; 
allegiance is the offspring of power and neceffity. 
Citizenfliip is a poHtical tie ; allegiance is a territo- 
rial tenure. Citizenfliip is the charter of equality ; 
allegiance is a badge ol:' inferiority. Citizenlhip is 
conftitutional ; allegiance is perfonal. Citizenlhip 
is freedom ; allegiance is fervitude. Citizenfliip is 
»(:ommunicable ; allegiance is repulfive. 

Among the nations, in which the law of allegiance 
is moft firmly ejlabiijfjed, the moil pertinacioufly en- 
forced, there are firlking deviations that demonllratc 
the invincible power of truth, and the homage, which 
under every modification of government, muft be 
paid to the inherent rights of man. In Rufiia the 
volunteers who fupply the fleet with officers, or 
literary inftitutions with profeflbrs, are naturalized 
in Poland ; an American citizen has been made- 
chancellor to the crown. In France, Mr. Sartine, 
who was miniiler of Marine, and Mr. Necker, 
who was Miniiler of Finance, were adopted, not 
native fubjefls. In England^ two years fervice in 
\ the navy, ipfo fatto, endows an alien with all the 
\ rights of a native. Thefe are tacit acknowledge- 
ments of the right of expatriation vefl:ed in the indi- 
viduals \ for though they are inftances of adopting, 
not of difcharging fubjecls ; yet, if Great-Britain 
would (ex gratia) protect a Ruffian naturaUzed by 
fervice, in her fleet, it is obvious that pe cannot do fo 
ivithoiit recognizing his right of expatriation to be ftiperior 
to the Emprefs's right of allegiance. But it is not only 



(23 ) 



in a negative way that thefe deviations In fupport of 
the general right appear. The do£lrine is, that 
allegiance cannot be due to two fovereigns ; and 
taking an oath of allegiance to a new, is the ftrongefl: 
evidence of withdrawing allegiance from a previous 
fovereign. Thus Lewis XIX. received his own 
quondam fubje£ls, the two FidlerS, as ambafladors. 
Dr. Story, an Englifliman, was fent to England as 
the minifter of Spain. And in many nations the 
conditions on w^hich an expatriation may be efFe£led 
(fuch as paying a tax, or leaving a portion of pro- 
perty behind) are a£lually prefcribed. 

To purfue tlie fubje£t one ftep further : A man 
cannot owe allegiance to two fovereigns, i Blac. 
Com. he cannot be a citizen of two nations. If a 
man has a right to expatriate, and another nation has 
a right and difpofition to adopt him, it is a compact 
between the two parties, confummated by the oath of 
allegiance. A man's lad iwV/, as to his citizenlhip, 
may be likened to his lall will, as to his eflate, it 
fupercedes every former difpofition ; and when either 
takes efFe£l, the party in one cafe, is naturally dead, 
in the other, he is civilly dead ; but in both cafes, 
as good Chriftians and good Republicans, it muft be 
prefumed he rifes to another, If not to a better life 
and country." 

To this eloquent and Irrefiflable argument, which 
does honor to the tongue that uttered it, and the pen 
that recorded it, it would be arrogant to fubjoin any 



( 24 ) 

remarks of our own ; we will only obferve in reca- 
pitulation of the reafoning contained in it, and in 
the writings of the civilians herein before quoted, 
that every man is invefted by the law of nature, 
with the right to emigrate from the country or (late 
in which he was born, and withdraw himfelf from 
the jurifdi£lion of any civil eftablifhment or fociety 
in which he may have been bred,* in order ta pro- 
mote his own happinefs and welfare. That this is 
one of the moll important rights with which he 
is invefted by his Creator, at his birth, and is a 
right of which he can never be lawfully deprived. 
That the exclufive right of property being a crea- 
ture of civil or pofitive law, may be afFe£led by the 
fame means by which it was created by the lex loci 
where it is enjoyed : but liberty as well as life being 
the immediate gift of God, and a right ftridlly na- 
tural, can never be lawfully reflrained but by the 
confent of the individual, exprefsly by his voluntarily 
becoming a member of a civil eftablifhment, or by 
any other mode by which his confent is declared. 
And in the cafe where the confent of the individual 
is afcertained, the power which a prince may exer- 
clfe over his lands and pofTeftions, cannot be conftrued 
to give him any right over his perfon : Neither can a 
prince or government in whofe territories a man 
happens to be born, claim any right to detain him 
therein, merely becaufe he firjl faiv the light there^ as 

* Si qui exire (civitate) volupt, confulerc filbi polTunt. Cicero. 



( 25) 

Mr. Locke has mod clearly fliewn, the mofl that he 
can do, is to prohibit him from carrying his property 
with him ; which if lands he cannot, and if goods he 
may not, (if the laws of the (late forbid it) carry 
away without the confent of the government.* 

Mr. Tucker, who difplays in his examination of 
this do£trine of non-expatriation, the liberal fenti- 
ments of a philanthropift, and the laborious refearch 
of a fcholar, concludes his remarks on this fubjcct as 
follows : " From the whole that we have feen, it 
appears that the right of emigration, or as I rather 
chool'e to call it, expatriation, is a right Itridly na- 
tural. "f Deplorable indeed would be the conditiv:)ri 
of humanity, if the converfeof this propofition were 
eftabliflied. The beafts of the field and the tenants 
of the foreft might then, with reafon, bo.irt of a fu- 
periority over the pfeudo lord of the univerfe ; and 
man, proud man, would find himfelf the only being 
in creation whofe wanderings are limited, or whofe 
freedom is reftrained. 

* Tuck. Blac. vol. 2, part I. f Ibid, page 96. 

The writer of thefe remarks acknowledges with pleafurej 
that he has derived much information on this fuhjcfl from Mr, 
Tucker's learned note before referred to, entitled, *' The Doc- 
trine of Expatriation Confidered." He haS chofen, in many 
inftances, to make ufe of Mr. Tucker's own words, as the judi^ 
cious obfervatlons of that venerable judge on this fulijedt, Would 
fuffer by hfing clothed in any language but his own. 

D 



(26) 

It is therefore evident that this dodlrine of non- 
expatriation has, as we have (hewn, neither the fanc- 
tion of reafon nor authority to fupport it : that it is 
fet up in diredl contradidlion to the opinions of the 
moll refpe<flable and profound civilians of Europe, 
of Vattel and Burlimaqui, of PufFendorf and Locke : 
that it muft be claffed among the many unjuftifiable 
expedients of Great Britain, to aggrandife her am- 
bition at the expence of juftice : and finally, that 
it can never be confidered as eftablifhing a right on 
which to found a legitimate reclamation by that 
power, of perfons who were born in the dominions of 
his Britannic Majefty, but who have, agreeably to 
our municipal laws, become citizens of the United 
States. 

Great Britain, however aflerts, that many of her 
natural born fubje<5ls, employed in our merchant 
fervice, were never admitted to the privileges of 
American citizens j and confequently, that although 
the doctrine of expatriation were univerfally recog- 
nifed (which (he declares (he never will accede to) 
fhe ftlll retains a right to fearch for and feize fuch 
her fubje£ls. 

To this it may be anfwered, firft, that the clrcum- 
flance of their emigrating from their own country 
and domiciliating themfelves in ours, is a fufficient, 
though tacit maiilfeftation of their intention of in- 
corporating themfelves with cur citizens, and relying 
on our government for proteftion when falling in 
American veflels. Secondly, that a neutral flag on 



(27 ) 

the high feas has erer been confidcred a fafeguard 
to thofe failing under it, who are not enemies in mili- 
tary fervice to the belligerent fearcher. The general 
freedom of the high feas and of neutral veflels navi^ 
gating them has long been admitted by the general 
confent of nations, with luch exceptions only as are 
annexed to it by the law of nations. And this ge- 
neral freedom of the high feas cannot be more 
ftrongly proved than by the exceptions which the 
law of nations, in certain cafes, has made to it. Ex- 
ceptio probat regiilam. Great Britain mud then pro- 
duce fuch an exception in the law of nations (in 
which law ftie as a nation has long acquiefced, and 
by which Ihe muft be bound) in favour of the right 
{he contends for, or muil fhew that it is fecured to 
her by treaty or ftipulation. We believe, however, 
that (he will fearch in vain for fuch an exception, re- 
ferving to her this right, and that fhe will find it in 
no ufuage but her own. 

The law of nations has eftablifhed that neutral 
flags do not protect certain objedls denominated con- 
traband of war,* including enemies ferving in the ivar, 

* That the commerce of neutral nations may fubfift In all the 
freedom which the laws of war will admit, there are rules to be 
obferved, and on which Europe feems generally to be agreed. 
Commodities particularly ufed in war, and the Importation of 
which to an enemy is prohibited, are called contraband of war. 
Such are arms, military and naval Jlores, horfes, and even pro- 
vifions In certain juucSlures, where there are hopes of reducing 
the enemy by fauiioe — Vattel, book 3, ch. 7. Thefe are foms 



( 28 ) 

nor articles going into a blockaded port, nor enemys 
property of any kind.* But no where is to be found, 
as our fecretary of ftate juftly obferves, an exception 
to this freedom of the fees, and of neutral flags, 
which can jullifiy the taking away any pcrfon, net an. 
enemy in military fcrviccy found on board a neutral 
veflel. 

Here then we join ifTue with the advocates of this 
principle, and call upon them to produce, in the code 
of nations, a fingle exception, by which this pretend- 
ed right to imprefs the crews of neutral veflels is 
fecured to a nation in time of peace or war. We 
pofitively deny that fuch an exception exlRs, and 
the burthen of proof from the relative fituation of 
Great Britain and America, and the nature of the 
claim, neceffarily refls on the former. We believe, 

of the exceptions to the genera] freedom of neutral veflcls on the 
Iii^'h feas. But we fcarch in vain in the works of this able civilian, 
and ol the other writers on this fubjetfl, for an exception in fa- 
vour of the right claimed by Great Britain. 

7 Efie6ls belonging to an enemy, founed on board a neutral 
fhip, are feizable by the rights of war ; but by the laws of nature 
the miller is to be paid his freight, and not to fuiier by the 
feizure. Ibid. 

And Bynkerfhook, " ratione confulta, non fum qui videam, 
tur non llteret capere res bo/ti'csj quainvis in navi arnica rcper- 
las, id enim capio, quod hortlum eft, quodque jure belli vitflori 
cedit. Queftionum Juris Pulicij liber i, ch. 14. 

-{■ But he fays nothing of the right to imprt.x's ncifons found, 
on board. 



(29) 



however, that the labor of refearch, the diftortion 
of principle, or the fubtlety of argument will avail 
her nothing. The law of nature and reafon, (land 
forch to oppofe her. Sophiflry may miflead and 
credulity may be abufed, but reafon, like its divine 
author, will be eternally the fame. 

The right of belligerents to vifit neutral veflels 
at fea, though controverted by many nations, at 
different periods,* is not at this time denied by 
America. It is therefore not a matter of irrelevant 
inauiry what are the ends intended to be accomplifh- 
ed by this right of vifitations and what is the nature 
and extent of this right ? 

, Sir William Scott in the judgment pronounced 
fay him in the cafe of the fnip Maria,* in the High 
* 11 fut determine (dans les 14 me et 15 me fiecles) qu'on 
n'auroit plus egard au propriecaire de la cargaifon, mais a 
ce'uidu vaifTeau ; qu'ioi -vai/pau tieutre ne pourroit fJu^ ctre 
arrete parce qu il auroit a board des marchandifes enemies, & 
encore moins parce qu'il feroit deftine pour quelque port ennemi. 

Schlegel. 
See alfo the convention for the re-eftabli(hment of an armed 
neutrality, between his majefty the king of Sweden, of the one 
part, and his majefty the emperor of all the Ruiuas on the other 
part, concluded and figned at St. PeterfLurgh, the 4th (i6th) 
December, 1800, accepted and ratified by his Swedifli majefty 
on the 20th of December, and by liis imperial majefty of all 
the Rufuas on the 8th (aoth) December, in the fame year. 

f This was one of a fleet of Swedifh merchantmen, carrying 
pitch, tar, hemp, deals, and iron, to feveral ports of France, 
Portugal, and the Mediterranean, and taken, January, 1798, 
failing under convoy of a fhip of war ; and proceedec agaiuft 
for rcfiftr-nce of rifitation and flaxch by liritifli cruizers. 



( so ) 

Court of Admiralty, iitb June, 1799, afTigns the 
reafonsfor the exiftence of this right, and accurately 
defines its limits. " This right, fays Sir William, 
of vifiting and fearching merchant fliips upon the 
high feas, whatever be the fliips, whatever be the 
cargoes, whatever be the deflination, is an incontef- 
table right of the lawfully commifiioned cruizers of 
a belligerent nation. I fay, be the fliips, the cargoes 
and the deftinations what they may; becaufe till they 
are vifited and fearched it does not appear what 
iheJIjtpSf or the cargoes * or the defli nations are ; and 
it is for the purpofe of nfcertaining thefe point s^ that the 
neceflity of this right of vifitation and fearch exiflis. 
The right mull unqueftionably be exercifed with as 
little of perfonal harflinefs and vexation in the mode 
as poflible ; but foften it as much as you can, it is 
fill a right offorce.y 

In this folemn and premeditated declaration of 
the grounds and extent of the right of vifitation in 
belligerents, made by the abled civilian now living 
in Great Britain, and who, from his official fituation 
cannot be confidcred very willing to extend the pri- 
vileges of ntutrals, or abridge thofc of belligerents \ 
it is moil clearly laid down, that the right exifts for 
the purpofes (and it may fairly be inferred for the 
purpofes only) of afcertaining nvhat are the fjipSy 
•what are their cargoes^ and ivhat are their definations* 

* Will it be contended that feamenare included in the word 
" cargoes ?' 



( 31 ) 



If this right had been referved by the law of nations 
for another important purpofe, viz. for the purpofe 
of impreffing the natural born fubjedts of the power 
to whom the belligerent fearcher belongs, would the 
circumfpeft, the erudite, the didactic Sir William 
Scott, prefiding in the higheft court of admiralty ju- 
rifdi£tion in his country, and vindicating and ftretch- 
ing the privileges of belligerents, while the eyes 
of Europe were turned towards him, have omitted to 
enumerate this, one of the moft important purpofes, 
for which this right of vifitation was referved ? Let 
thofe who are acquainted with the depth of his eru- 
dition, the retention of his memory, and the capacity 
of his mind, anfwer the queftion. 

Let us now adrert to treaties, and endeavor to 
difcover in them a refervation of this right of im- 
prefTment, which is fearched for in vain in the law 
of nations. 

In the treaty of Paris, concluded between Great 
Britain and the United States on the 13th of Nov. 
1782, not a word is to be found, relating in any man- 
ner to this important claim. By the Treaty of Amity, 
Commerce and Navigation, between his Britannic 
Majefty and the United States of America, figned at 
London the 19th November, 1794, it was flipulated 
by the twenty-eighth article, "That his Majefty and 
the United States on mutual requifition, by them ref- 
pe£lively, or by their refpedlive minifters or oflicers 
authorifed to make the fame, will deliver up to juf- 



( 32) 



tice all perfons, who, being charged with murder or 
forgery^ fhall feek an afyliim within any of the coun- 
tries of the other, provided that this (hall only be 
done on fuch evidence of criminality, as, according 
to the laws of the place wherein the fugitive or pcr- 
fon fo charged fhall be found, would juftify his appre- 
henfion and commitment for trial, if the offence had 
there been committed."* 

This is the only inflance in which Great Britain 
has referved a right to claim any of her fubje(Sts who 
have emigrated to the United States. And it is al- 
lowed her by the treaty, in this particular inflance, 
for the belt of reafons, and for the mofl falutary 
purpofes ; for the punifhment of fuch as have, by 
their crimes, forfeited all claim to that protection 
from fociety. to which every other member of it is 
entitled. But furely we will not be told, that it 
referves to Great Britain a right to imprefs the crews 
of our merchant vefTels, or that fhe has a right, under 
this article of the treaty, to claim or forcibly take 
any of her former fubjefls, by fea or land, but fuch 
as have been guilty of murder or forgery. 

It is a maxim of reafon as well as of law, and a 
faithful guide for interpretation, that " defignatio 
unius eft exclufio alterius." Every right, therefore, 
to claim or feize her fugitive fubje£ts, which Eng- 

* If the treaties oF Great Britain With the different nations of 
Europe be examined, it will be found, that fhe has not, in a 
finale inftance, referved in ary of them the right fhe cuntend? 
for. 



( S3 ) 



land vviflied to referve, {he has, by the above article 
exprefsly referved.* Every right which (lie has not 
thereby referved, and which is not fecureil to a beU 
iigerent by the law of nations, (lie has thereby vir- 
tually difclaimed and difavowed. 

Whether, therefore, we fearch for the foundati' n 
of this claim in the law of nations, which is a rule 
independent of compact, by which the fovereigns of 
the civilized world confent to be governed, or ex* 
amine the treaties and flipulations of Great Britain, 
with our own or other governments, it equally eludes 
our mod inquifitive invelUgSftion. It is in fail, a 
foundling unknown among nations fince the abolition 
of the feudal fyltem, but adopted by Great iiritaiii. 
■las the legitimate offspring of royal prerogative. 

It is not our intention to examine the right ex- 
ercifed by Great Britain of impreffing her own i '.- 
je£l:s in her own territories. We do not vvifh to 
multiply quotations, nor to tire our readers with 
trite or uninterefting difquifitions. It might, how- 
ever, afford entertainment as well as inftrudion to 
obferve, for a moment, the obvious contrariety of 
opinion difcernible in the writings of Englijh lawyers 
on this fubje£t. 

/"^ •' As to the imprefhng of feamen, it is flrange 
that its lawfulnefs fhould ever be called in queltion 

* That is, every right, except thofe rights f;.'ciired to belliger* 
'•nts by the law of nations and the riglits of war. 



( 34) 

by any perfon who has read our hlftory or ftatutc 
book. The crown has been in pofiefllon of it from 
time immemorial." Molloy de jure Maritimo etNa- 
vali, vol. I, ch. 6, page 139. 

From the pofitive manner in which Molloy aflcrts 
the exiftence of this right, we might be led to be- 
lieve, that Englijh ivriters, at leafl, were unanimouf- 
ly agreed on this fubject. It will be found, however, 
that the contrary is the fadl— Sir Edward Cooke, 
(who it is to be fuppofed read the hiftory of England 
and the ftatute book) fays, 2 Inft. page 47, *< th 
king cannot fe/td any fubje£}y againjl his tvilly out of the 
realniy not even into Ireland, for then under pretence 
of fervice, he might fend him into banifliment."/ 

In Hails' Pleas of the crown, it is declared, " re- 
pugnant to the liberty of an Englifhman, and irre- 
eoncileable to the eftablifhed rules of law, that a 
man, without any offl-nce by him committed, or any 
law to authorife it, fhould be hurried aiuay like a cri- 
minal from his friends and family ^ and carried by force 
into a dangerous fervice. ^^ Vol. 2, page 679. 

This right then has been called in queftion, " by 
ihofe nuho had read the hijiory of England and theflatuts 

booh:' 

/'iThat the crown has not been in poircfTion of this 
right " from time immemorial," is fufficiently proved 
by the parliament having pafled different ftatutes at 
different periods, giving to the fovereign a fpeci?;! 



( 35) 



power to imprefs foldiers and feamen.*/Thefe fta- 
tutes were of temporary duration, 'and expired at 
the period limited for their continuance. If the 
crown had been in pofleflion of this right " from 
time immemorial," it was fuperfluous to pafs ftatutes 
confirmatory of a right already inherent in the 
crown : if it was not by cuftom or common law an 
appendage of regal prerogative, then it was created 
by, and expired with the ftatutes. 

Let us here paufe, and paufing let us refle£l on the 
errors and inconfiftencies which bewilder the mind, 
and miflead the underftanding of man, when once 
he departs from the plain road of common fenfe, 
and {huts his eyes to the lights of truth and natural 
reafon. 

We have now in a curfory manner, examined 
whether this right, contended for by Great Britain, 
of imprefling perfons on the high feas, from neutral 
veflels, be warranted by the law of nations ; that is, by 
thofe principles of natural law and reafon, which are 
relative to the condu£t of nations ; fuch as are ap- 
proved by the moft eminent civilians, and practifcd 
by ftates the moft enlightened and refined. "We 
have referred to her treaty with our own and foreign 

f * i6 Charles I. ch. XXIII. XXVI.' 
' z and 3 Ann, ch. 6, fee. i6, 
J and 4 do. ch. XI> 

4 do. ch. X. 

5 do. ch. XV. 
ff do> ch. X, 



( 36 ) 



governments, anci can, no where difcover, even the 
fhadow of a r«afon fupporting her claim : indeed, 
like a point in mathematicks, it has neither length, 
breadth, nor thicknefs ; and may, not unaptly be com- 
pared to the imaginary horizor,, formed by the de- 
lufionof the eye, which exifts but in fancy, and flies 
as it is purfued. 

But even were Great Britain entitled to the 
fewices of her natural born fubjc<n:s, who have 
withdrawn themfelves from her jurifdiftion, and re- 
nounced any pre-exiding allegiance to her, (wlxich 
ihe is not, as we have fhewn, and on the beft grounds) 
yet h-er claim becomes peculiarly inadmiflible, when 
we examine the mode in which it is enforced, and 
view it in ifs confcquences and effects. She pro-. 
fcff;5 to claim only fuch perfons as were born in the 
Bntini dominio :s, and yet mdifcriminately feizes on 
board our veffels, American as well as Englifli fea- 
men. And as the number of the latter employed in our 
navigation bears but a very fmall proportion indeed 
to the former, fhe impreiTes at leaft fifteen Americans 
for one EngUfhman. To prove this we affert, on the 
authority of a report of our fccretary of Hate to 
congrtfs, that during the late war <* two thoaifand fif- 
ty-nine feamcn had been impreffed by Great Britain, 
from American veffels. Of which number 0?;^ ^«;;~ 
dred and two fca?nen only were proved to be Britilh 
fubjcds, which is lefs than one twentieth of the 
number impreffed. Eleven hundred and forty-two 
were crdered to bv" difcharged as not being Britiih 



'( 37 ) 



iubjedls, which Is more than one half of the whole 
cumber, leaving eight hundred and five for further 
proof, with the ftrongefl prefumption that the great- 
er part, if not the whole, were Americans, or other 
aliens, whofe proof of citizenfhip had been loft or 
deftroyed, or whofe fituation would account for the 
difficulties and delays in producing it./ So that it is 
certain, that for all the Britilh feamen gained by this 
violent proceeding, more than an equal number were 
the vi£l:ims ; it is highly probable, that for every 
Britifti feaman fo gained, a number of others, not 
lefs than ten for one, mud have been the vidllms ; 
and It is even poffible that this number may have 
exceeded the proportion of twenty to one."* 

We cannot more forcibly (hew the injulllce of 
this pra£tice, fo long continued by Great Britain, or 
more feelingly portray the hardlhlps and miferles 
produced by It, than by quoting the words of our 
fecretary of ftate, from the letter before referred to. 
And we are happy in being able to fubftitute the 
ideas of fo enlightened a mind on this important 
fubjed, in the place of any which might occur to our 
ov/n. 

*' Taking reafon and juftice, fays Mr. Madifon, 
for the teils of this practice (of impreiling feamen 
from American veflels) it is peculiarly Indefenfible ; 
becaufe it deprives the deareft rights of perfons of a 
regular trial, to which the moft inconfiderable article 

* See " Extracfl of a letter from the fecretary of ftate, to 
Jamps Monroe, Efq. dated 5th Jaoiian', Ti?c4. 



( 38 ) 



of property, captured on the high feas, is entitled j- 
and leaves their deftiny to the will of an officer, fome- 
times cruel, often ignorant, and generally interefted 
by his want of mariners, in his own dccifions.- 
Whenever property found in a neutral veflel is fup- 
pofed to be liable on any grounds to capture and 
condemnation, the rule in all cafes is, that the quef- 
tion (hall not be decided by the captor, but be car- 
ried before a legal tribunal, where a regular trial 
may be had, and where the captor himfelf is liable 
to damages for an abufe of his power. Can it be 
reafonable then, or juft, that a belligerent command- 
er who is thus reftricled, and thus refponfible, in a 
caufe of mere property of trivial amount ihould be 
permitted, without recurring to any tribunal what- 
ever, to examine the crew of a neutral veflel, to de- 
cide the important queftion of their refpeclive alle- 
giance, and to carry that important decifion into 
inftant execution, by forcing every individual he may 
chufe into a fervice abhorrent to his feelings, cut- 
ting him ofF from his molt tender conne6lions, ex- 
pofing his mind and his perfon to the mofl: humiliat- 
ing difcipline, and his life itfelf to the greateft dang- 
er ? Reafon, juftice and humanity unite in protefting 
againft fo extravagant a proceeding." 

It has been Rated in congrefs, and is a fa£l: which 
cannot be denied, that in the (hort fpace of two years 
(fince the commencement of the prefent war Great 
Britain has impreded three thoufand of our feamen, 
whom, at this moment, (he detains in captivity. Thq 



(39) 

annexed lift of impreflments, procured from the of- 
fice of the fecretary of ftate, is a fufficient proof of the 
truth of this ftatement. This lift forms a record of 
outrage and injuftice, unexampled in the hiftory of 
modern times. It is a melancholy proof, (if proof 
•were required of a fa£l fo univerfally known) that 
our country has received the grofleft infults and the 
moft vital injuries j infults and injuries which loudly 
call upon the government for redrefs, and which it 
is bound to redrefs, whatever dangers or difficulties 
it may be neceflary to encounter, in order to obtain 
reparation. Nocwithftanding the repeated remon- 
ftances of our government to Great Britain, on this 
fubjeQ, (he ftill perfifts in this fyftem of maritime 
kidnapping, with unremitting feverity. Every day 
is ufhered and clofed with fome new inftancc of 
oppreflion. Not a veflel arrives in any port of the 
continent which does not reiterate the complaints of 
our gallant countrymen. It has been eloquently ob- 
fervedby a member of the general government, that 
" the groans of our imprefled fellow citizens mingle 
■with the murmurs of every gale from the ocean,"* 

* Mr. Elliot. This gentleman and a few others, particularly 
Mr. Crowninfhield, Mr. Clay, Mr. Nicholfon, Mr. Gregg, and 
Mr. Sloan, merit the thanks and gratitude of American feamen, 
for the lively intereft they have taken in their caufe, and the refc- 
lutioHS tliey have brought forward to efTeiluate a fpeedy redrefs 
af their fufTerings. We are forry to find, that a leading mem- 
ber from an important ftate in the Union, who could fo feelingly 
fympathife in the fufTerings of a cori'SiSed traitor,^ has not em- 
+ Fries. 



( 40 ) 



There is net a failor on board an American veiTef, 
whether lying in a port acceffible to Britifli (hips, or 
traverfing the ocean, who is not in perpetual danger 
offliaring the fate of his unfortunate countrymen. 
Whether he is a father, a hufband, a brother or a 
child, on whom perhaps an helplefs family depends 
for fubfiftence, he cannot be fure that he will ef- 
cape in this general fcene of oppreffion and injuftice. 
Surely then it is time to take efficient meafures to 
ftop the further progrefs of this wide fpreading ca- 
lamity, and to vindicate the violated rights of our 
country. We have already drunk a copious draught 
of national degradation, and have purchafed by our 
apathy the privilege of repentance. Let us now, at 
lead, though late, remember that while we render 
juftice to other nations, we (hould not forget to do 
judice to ourfclves: and that when our rights are 
invaded, we fhould a£l: with promptnefs, energy and 
decifion. To fufFer the prefent fefiion of Congrefs 
to clofe without adopting efficient meafures to pro- 
cure the immediate liberation of our imprefled fea- 
men, would be juftly confidered a tacit acquiefcence 
imder the prefent fyfteni of Britilh oppreffion. Our 
government might as well, at once, declare in the 
language of treachery, but of truth, that they with- 
drew all protedlion from a numerous body of the 

ployed the enviable talents lie poflelles in the caufe of our injured 
feamen. We recommend to this gentleman's frequent perufal 
the line cf the poet : " Homo fiC/i, hitmani nihil a me alien.um 



(41 ) 

community, the American feamen, and tell them, 
that " although you have an Indifputable claim upon 
us to vindicate your rights, and although the nation, 
hns derived incalculable advantages from your exer- 
tions, and has hitherto flourifhed by your enterprife, 
yet we feel no folicitude for your perfonal interefts ; 
and prefer to facrifice your freedom, and compro- 
mit the dignity of our national charad^er, to the 
danger of incurring the frowns of the minions of St. 
James'. 

Oh ! may fuch fentiments never be harboured, as 
they dare not be exprefled by the rulers of a free 
and enlightened people. 

We cannot, however, believe, that there is a 
member of our national councils who does not reci" 
procate our fentiments on this diftreffing and humi- 
liating fubje£t. If, however, there be one among 
that body, whofe bofom does not heave, and whofe 
heart does not bleed, at the recital of the fufferings 
of his imprelTed fellow citizens, let him, we befeech. 
him, for a moment fuppofe, that he hears the heart- 
felt fhrieks of the miferable wife piercing his ears', 
and entreating him in accents of rage and defpair, to 
reftore to her her imprefled hufband, the father of her 
children, and her only fupport. Let him view, in im- 
agination, the aged and helplefs parent, in accents of 
fmking woe, mifery and diftref3, bewailing the lofs 
of a dutiful and beloved fon ; and if he is not filled 

F 



( 42 ) 

■with horror and indignation at the various ills and 
miferies inflifted and infliding, contrary to every 
principle of law, juflice, and humanity, on our im- 
prefled fellow citizens, then has he the heart of a 
tygtr, and the fpirit of a fycophant. 

But we will not, we cannot, for the honour of our 
country believe, that our government will contem- 
plate unmoved the fufferings of a brave and deferv- 
ing body of men, or that they will fufFer them any 
longer to languilh in captivity. We truft that the 
national fpirit is 7iot dead but feepeth, and hope that 
before the clofe cf the prefent fcffion it will wake 
from its flumber. It has indeed motives which might 
ferve " to warm an ague's froft," to roufe it to 
refinance. 

It is not our defire to inflame the pafTions of our 
fellow citizens •, but we would imprefs them with 
a fenfe of their national interefts and honour. We 
entertain no narrow prejudices againft Great Britain 
as a nation ; but we feel an honeft indignation at the 
infults (he has offered to, and the injuries fhe has in- 
fiiifled on our country ; as the friends of civilization 
and literature we mufl: wifh her every legitimate 
fuccefs. She has been for many ages the great ma- 
gazine of arts, the favourite abode of fcience, and 
the prolific parent of exalted genius ; and it gives us 
pain to refle£l, that by her maritime depredations, 
{he has tarnlflied her glory and fullied her renown. 
We fliould be forry to fee her conquered, but we 
would wifh to fee her reftrained ; we confider her a 



(43 ) 



neceiTary barrier to the unbounded ambition of her 
contiguous rival, and fincerely hope that fhe will 
terminate hercontefl: with him, with honor toherfelf 
and advantage to Europe: but if, however, the pe- 
riod of her diflblution is at hand, which we devoutly 
deprecate, let her not, like a falling tower, involve 
others in her ruin. 

Having now, though but imperfeclly, difcharged a 
duty which we alTumed on ourfelves from the molt 
difinterefted motives, and to which we were prompt- 
ed by the critical fituation of our country, we have 
only to obteft the government to vindicate, by fpeedy, 
temperate, but firm meafures, the outraged dignity 
of the nation. To (hew to the world that if we have 
long fuffered wrongs we are now determined to repel 
them ; and that if we have hitherto been folicitous. 
for peace, it is not becaufe we are weak or timid, 
but becaufe we are adluated by moderation and 
humanity. 

Should, however, the numberlefs inftances of na- 
tional indignity and individual opprefllon to which we 
have fo long fubmitted, neither dilfipate the apathy, 
nor command the interpofuion of the government, 
in vain do we boaft of the fuperiority of our confti- 
tution over thofc of other nations ; a conftitution 
which has hitherto been an obje£l of envy and 
admiration to the civilized world : and the lover of 
his country will fee with regret this beautiful fabrick, 
r?.ifed with fo m«ch care, and cemented by fo much' 



( 44 ) 

patriot blood, afford another melancholly proof of 
the inftability of human inftitutions : its foundations 
will be (haken and its beauty tarniflied, and it would 
not be a falfe though diftrefling anticipation to pro- 
nounce, that the period is not far diitant when it will 
ceafe to command the fupportor folicitude of freemen. 
The writer of thefe remarks ardently prays, that 
fuch painful anticipations may never be fulfilled- ; and 
in veneration of our noble conftitution, fincerely 
exclaims in the dying words of Father Paul to his 
country, eJ\o perpetna. 



A STATEMENT 

Of applications made to the British Government, in cases of 
Impressments, from the ist September, i8o4» to nth May^ 
1805, by George W. Erwing, esquire. 



Thomas Moody 

John Cotrill 

John Maguire 

James White 

John Gilmore 

IBenjamin Chaloner 

Robert Oakcs 

John Harcum 

Henry Stone 

Charles Kin^ 

Peter Thomfon 

JEdward Steward 

Jonathan Archer 

George Warberton 

John Tucker 

John M Kaig 

John Ilfley 

James Millon 

Thomas Irwin 

William Innis 

Daniel Browrt 

John or Thomas Howes 

Daniel Rofs 

Thomas Morris 

George Home 

George Watfon 

John Lean or John Lion 

Henry Knight 

Wm. Ackley or Afliley 

Thomas Freeman 

Hiram Candy or Kennedy 



Jofeph Duke Gobble 
Robert Crofbie 
William Nugent 
Dower Carfon 
Philip Lyman 
Abm. Hanaird 
John Johnfon 
John White 
Robert Corbin 
John Norris 
John Morris 
George Gibfon 
Wilii'*,n Buck 
Thomas White 
Jofeph Mafters 
Thomas Forbes 
Peter Forreft 
William Hunter 
William Finlay 
John Thompfon 
Peter M'Caw 
George Withurn 
Jos. Thompfon 
Daniel Newburry 
Jofii. Brown 
Andrew Mansfield 
William Aiken 
Thomas Challis 
Geo. Hilbert or Starbert 
William Remmick, alias 
Gyer 



(46) 



John Johnfon 

James Walfli 

Jonathan Emery 

John T'dylor 

George Kamat or Kennat 

Jofeph Wildman 

Benjamin Pafs 

James Manning 

James Cothe or Cotrel 

James Baker 

Francis Lemott 

Andrew Anderfoa 

Henry Parker 

Andrew Tucker 

Thos. Harvey or Harney 

Andrew Kuhn 

John Johnfon 

George Walker 

Francis M. Migoer, or 
Miligan 

Jofeph Godfrey, or God- 
fey 

Peter Robinfon 

Ebenezer Compton 

James Edmonds 

John Smith 

Martin Colford 

John, alias James Brown 

John Johnfon 

John Barry 

Thomas Harvey 

John WiUiams 

Jofeph Thomfon 

Daniel Johnfon 

John Plymouth 

John Stewart 

Jofeph WUis 



John Jackfon 
John D. Swift 
Jetrro Fowler 
Efau Dominick 
Samuel M'Crea 
James Geflbn 
Jonathan Cook 
James Rcid 
LifF Young 
Gerard Harfins 
Thomas Aikin 
George Wabby 
Richard Hiett 
Andrew Hyer 
John Edwards 
Jofeph Melena 
Samuel B. Spencer 
James Conolly 
John Rendels 
John Bradley 
Peter Dolman 
John or Thos. M'Donald 
Reuben BeiTeli 
John Haniford 
James Brown 
Thomas Earlc 
William Davis 
Peter Newlan 
Richard Dawfon 
Blake Peircy 
Thomas Jackfon 
Peter CofEn 
John Johnfon or Jones' 
William Barnes 
Thomas Sheffield 
Richard Reed 
James Harris 



(47) 



John Johnfon 

Daniel S. Martia 

George Woods 

Wm. alias Thos. Barne 

"William Jones 

DaniJ Merideth 

Ebenezer Pinkham 

Samuel Matton 

John Granc 

William Brown 

"William Bulby 

D.miel Dixon 

Martin Hellet 

Jonathan or John Hackett 

John Owens 

James M'Clackland 

John Miller 

Thomas Pennock 

Edward Pipping 

Jofeph Peirfon 

John Smith 

John Robinfon 

Peter Harris 

James F*. athcrflone 

William ScuUa 

William Mines 

Charles Robinfon 

William James 

Henry Weeks 

Francis Thompfon 

John Hathaway 

John Downey 

Philip Ford, alias Caroline 

John Brack, alias Brock 

Wi'iliam Godfrey 

Joi'iph Williams 

William Wilfon 



Jacob Abbin 
Robert Fielding 
Jofeph Stack 
Joftph Coles 
Eliphat Ruflel 
William Shanks 
Richard Wilfon 
William Bray 
John M'Avoy 
George Watfon 
William Greene 
Edward Spencer 
Dennis or Daniel Carney 
James White 
Peter Lauries or Lewis 
Samuel Mitchell 
Samuel Bailey 
Thos. Knight or Wright 
John Edwards 
James Long 
Richard Shays 
Benedid A. Butler 
Thomas Brown 
James Thomas 
William Simpfon 
William Johnfon 
Thomas Parfons 
Jofeph Trowbridge 
William Taylor 
Peter Wilfon 
Andrew Scott 
William Johns or Wil- 

mutli Johnfon 
Benjamin Mofley 
Manuel Depra 
John iiiercroft 
Chriftopher Docou 



( 48 ) 



John King 
George Wood 
George Slater 
Daniel Hearn 
William Budcell 
Jvhn Clements 
Benjamin Hunt 
William Wilfon 
John Dunn 
Alexander Black 
Urquhar Fogercy 
JoiiH Hyde 
William Harvey 
William Moultry 
John King 
John M'Gee 
Charles Lymburg 
James Robii fon 
Thomas Southeck 
Elias Wood 
Samuel Lockwood 
John Norberry 
Abraham Hod fon 
Alexander Payne 
Rowd. Peirce 
Barns. Norris 
Jofcph L. Wilfon 
Thomas Wright 
Rua Backer 
William Smith 
Charles Pettingel 
John Thomfon 
George Mars 
Thomas S. Pollock 
Thomas Woods 
George Buntick 
Jofeph Mucklewaine 



George Robin fon 
Charles Bulhnell 
John Pumus 
John Greene 
Nicholas Boylflon 
Thomas Jackfon 
John Hays, alias John 

Williams 
Robert Hudging 
Frederick Jones 
John Davis 
William Watts 
Philip Keg 
John Finley 
Robert Cook 
William Keg& 
William Cozzens 
Henry Jackfon 
Charles T. Gould 
William Hughes 
Martin Hynes 
James Drifkell 
Lindfey Heady 
George Farrington 
Henry Jackfon 
Chas. Bowen or Brown 
Benjamin Hatch 
Thomas R. Green 
John G. Olin 
Stth Barton 
John Smith 
George Tabb 
Enoch Roberts 
Jofhua Small 
Jofcph Lewis 
Thomas Willianrs 
William Thompfon 



(^9 ) 



Ceofg^e A. Avery 
Robert Elliott 
J rome Napivet 
Matthew Brown 
Reuben M-Kinfey 
MufFee Day 
Simon Day 
Peter Baker, alias Peter 

Scott 
G-'orge Smith 
Chriftr. Tillinghaft 
William Loofely 
Abram Williams 
Edward Moodie 
Michael Gill 
Samuel Pufts 
Ephraim M'Intire 
John Thomas 
James Carfon 
Robert Dow, jun. 
Cuthbert Gill 
Samuel Hodges 
John Trudy 
John Williams 
George Collins 
Dennis Welfh 
Benjamin Roundy 
Augullus Lafarch 
John Baker 
Clement Coffin 
James Neale 
Daniel Greene 
James Kelly 
Jefle or John Gray or 

Graylefs 
Robert Coulfon 



Thomas Fowley 

James Gardner 

Daniel Teal 

George Williams 

John Joy 

Benjamin Linfey 

William Clark 

Jofeph Price 

John Childs 

John Mayor 

Henry Niles 

Henry Stone 

Jesse Emmons 

Ebenezer Carter 

William Hall 

Major Smith 

Peter Harvey 

Abram Lott 

Briftow Jackfon or John- 

fon 
Benjamin Rogers 
William Townfend 
Robert Craig 
Jncob Blake 
John Donaldfon 
Jofeph Thompfon 
Charles Lewis 
Levi Hall 

Jofeph or Thos. JiunichcC 
Middleton Bartky 
James Pitcher 
Caleb Smith 
John Jackfon , 

John Reiley 
Ebenezer Turner 
William Simpfon. 



G 



( 50 ) 



Charles Lowe, alias Love 
James Cox 
William Smith 
Charles Lobban 
Thomas Foreman 
George Weaver 
John Elliott 
David Watts 
William Hard 
John S. Murray 
John Trainer 
Robert Banentine 
Jofeph Namer 
Alexander Adams 



Robert M'Gurdy 
Wm. Spencer or Spenee 
John Arenberg 
James Smithar 
Eleazer D. Bray 
John Smith 
Alexander Waddy 
B. S. Caldwell 
Thomas Gauflin 
Samuel Cooper 
Gilbert 

Abraham Morgan 
Peter Smith 



STATEMENT 

Of applications made to the British Government, in cases of. 
Impressments from the i8th May to the .26th September, 
1805, by William Lyman, esquire. 



John Whitehead 
Thomas Frazer 
Daniel M'Millan 
William Bryant 
William M^Collifter 
Thomas Lane 
John Baines 
David Griffin 
John Rofe or Rofs 
Jofeph Fr-\zer 
David Newark 
John Richie 
William French 
Tohn Lock 



William Pitt Oliver 
John Weft 
Samuel Shephard 
Samuel Larcbee 
Martin Pain 
James Kinfley 
James Fowler 
John Smith 
John Davis 
John Dixion 
John Webfter 
Daniel Robertfoit 
William White 
William Duay 



( 51 ) 



John Hedcrlck 
Jofeph Rowlan 
John Rhoads 
Martin Wolf 
Thomas Griffiths 
Caleb Starkens 
James Smith 
William Gibbs 
James Murray 
Jofeph Reid 
Samuel Bunker 
James Minzies 
Abfalom Simkins 
Danittl Paine 
Matthew Dawfon 
Jonathan Medley 
Daniel Williams 
James Dingey 
Thomas Goodwin 
Cato Decafta 
John Connor 
James Burnes 
Alexander Downey 
John Murray 
John Scheib 
John S. Colburn 
Jera. Williams 
Enoch Newcomb 
William Clough 
Philip Conroy 
Edward Billingfman 
Daniel Patterfon 
James Smith 
John Davis 
Thoma, Congdon 
Daniel French 
Peter Sergeant 



Benjamin Davidfon 
William Rhodes 
Charles Kennedy 
Henry Manchefter 
James Butler 
John Hunt 
John Cook 
WiUiam Ricraft 
John Dennis 
Chriftopher Beckman 
Thomas Ofborn 
William Breton 
William Srockdale 
William Atlen 
William Parrott 
William Weatherland 
John Handley 
Robert Rogers 
Edward Barry 
John Vincent 
Thomas Smith 
John Smith 
Thomas Mooney 
John Borney 
James Guy 
John Lucker 
Lemuel Beale 
Robert Morris 
George Wood 
John RoUa 
Thomas Walds 
Gilbert Low:rn 
Thomas Sanxton 
Thomas ■ 

John Thomas Weft 
Jefll- Boyd 
John Brown 



(52) 



William Witham 
John Hdtron 
Richard Lifle 
William Watts 
Thomas Bowyer 
Jofeph Burnes 
John Scott 
James Banister 
John Multhrop 
John Gordon 
John Drifcoil 
Sanmel L. Sherman 
John Brown 



Anthony Huifler 
William Eaton 
Richard P Tongue 
Wm Sharr, alias Shaw 
Michael Hewitt 
Robert Morney 
William Summers 
Jonathan Curtis 
Adam Brown 
Thomas Boyd 
Robert Warnock 
Wm. Burnham, jun. 



STATEMENT 

Of applications in cases of Impressment, made immediately to 
the Department of State, and not before reported to the 
House of Representatives, or included in Mr. Erving's or 
Mr. Lyman's returns to this office. 



John Atkinfon 
J>lartin Akens 
Sylvanus Alford 
Henry Killburn 
Elijah Armftrong 
Atten John 
James Allen 
Wm. Aubin 
Bennet Afhford 
Antonio J. Rogers 
Jamer Allen 
Ed. Lowry 
Thomas Allen 
Jas. Davidfon 



George Weir 
Samuel Bi{hop 
James Chambers 
John Croit 
John Beatty 
Daniel Campbell 
John M^Connagy 
Andrew Anderfon 
Thomas Froil 
Thomas Randal 
John Patterfon 
Wm. Bayle 
John Outer fide 
Robert Blaway 



( 53) 



Jenkin Killan 
John Patterfon 
John Woolridge 
Wm, Brown 
John Buffington 
Geo. Burns 
James Barber 
Jofh. Baker 
Enoch Clark 
Jofli. Bartlett 
John Blackburn 
John Anderfon 
Wm. Ryfell 
John Bloomfer 
Geo. Bradfliaw 
James Brown 
Thomas Born 
Samuel Breede 
Joft Butler 
John Blfhop 
Nathan P. Brook 
Abram Myers 
John Burk 
William Brown 
David Baxter 
David Burk 
John Bolt 
James Brown 
William Newton 
John Courtney 
Francis Coffin, jun. 
Henry Cobb 
Thomas Clark 
Jofeph Clancy 
Thomas Cox 
Laurence Clark 
John Clark 



Samuel Banker 
Amos Thop 
Jacob Beird 
Henry Beauman 
Thomas Butler 
George Bryant 
John B. Brown 
Malcolm Bruce 
John Bowman 
Laurence Brown 
John Blume 
John Evans 
Jofeph L. Worthy 
Thomas Knapp 
David Brown 
Robert Brown 
Noah Becks 
William Gray 
Jofeph Beal 
John Bar 
Charles Brown 
John Brown 
Andrew Clow 
William Calvert 
Hugh Harris 
Robert Williams 
John Harman 
Jere. Culver 
Robert Carther 
John Clark 
Thomas Cook 
George Wilfon 
Caleb Carr 
Peter Coyle 
John Coleman 
James CulI'more 
Robert Thomfon 



( 54) 



Henry Chrid 
"William Cox 
Patrick Cunningham 

Crorefton 

John Campbell 
Thomas Doyle 
Ed. Ryly 
John Dixon 
John Davis 
Michael Davis 
John Dixfon 
Peter Devering 
James Macray 
John Douglas 
Jofiah Doane 
John Englifh 
William Shepperd 
Michael Davis 
John Frazer 
John Francis 
George Fifher 
Flenny John 
Ed. Girrells Griggs 
James Garven 
John Neal 
Walter Holliday 
John Holmes 
Henry Hall 
John Howard 
William Hopkins 
Samuel Hodges 
William Hall 
Thomas Holland 
Jofli. Hunt 
Thomas Hutton 
George Hutton 
James Hart 



Daniel Carmichael 
John Crawford 
James Deane 
Ifaac Day 
Ifaac Dick 
James Davis 
Henry Wood 
Thomai Denney 
John Chamberlain 
John Thompfon 
John Eaton 
John Edwards 
John Erving 
Jofeph EUingwood 
John Edwards 
Amos FoUanfbee 
Barnet Foland 
George Frazer 
Richard Thomas 
John Manuel 
Martin George 
JamiCS Giles 
Caleb Haftings 
D. M. Hogan 
John Harlam 
Patrick Hollohan 
Hysr Godfrey 
Patrick Hogarty 
Samuel D. Hayle 
Jacob Heller 
Edward Killum 
Frederick Kline 
James Kennard 
James Kennedy 
D* H. Ketcham 
George Manning 
Leonard Johnfon 



( 55) 



James Love 
Nathaniel York 
Jacob Co ,nel 
John Shaw 
George Atkinfon 
Ed. Simpfon 
Nathaniel Moore 
Elilha Markam 
James Matthews 
James Mafti 
Ed. Mooney 
Philip Miligan 
Richard F, Moore 
George Manning 
William Mount 
Elifha Morris 
Peter Douglas 
Henry Matthews 
William Morro 
Nathaniel Moflier 
John M'Donald 
Andrew M'Donald 
John M'Evoy 
William Moore 
Matthew Barton 
William Mafon 
John Webltcr 
Henry Mayo 
George Sterving 
Jos. Cornelius 
Benjamin Moales 
John Martin 
William Clark 
William Orr 
Peter Lawlefs 
William M'Clure 
Peter Anderfon 



James Jones 

James Johnfon 

Abel Sifcol 

William Jones 

James Johnfon 

Samuel Johnfon 

Richard Johnfon 

Leonard Johnfoa 

George Atkins 

John Dixon 

John Smith 

William Warner 

Azor, an indented fervatlt 

Jn. C. Davis 

John Wefterby 

John Shelton 

Samuel Ingle 

John Johnfon 

Samuel Jackfon 

Thomas Jones 

Oliver Blackwith 

John Taylor 

Thomas Jackfon 

John Jackfon 

Gridley Lewis 

Daniel Landerkin, jun, 

William Leeman 

William Liddle 

G. H. Chriltian 

Jos. Anthony 

Charles Thompfon 

Samuel Litchfield 

John Little 

James Whitney 

Abrm. Llnard 

Eugene Elmftead 

Ruflel Davenport 



( 56 ) 



Robert Allen 
John Jacobs 
John Odlin 
Anthony Powers 
George Finder 
James Pointer 
John Prin 
John Planton 
William Pitman 
John Potter 
John Portland 
Jarres Robbins 
Henry Pearion 
Jo(h Pt-arfon 
John Parker 
Henry Palmatre 
Robert Deighton 
George Fleming 
William Park 
George Fender 
John Peters, jun, 
David Porter 
John H. Rictout 
Samuel Robinfon 
Chriftian Moldenham 
Chridian Lowman 
Richard Rimmer 
John Rudemaker 
Stephen Rumfey 
Thomas Rogers 
Ole Hanlon 
Johan Lozawat 
Hans Davidfoii 
William Robbins 
Thomas Robnifon 
James Ov rton 
Thomas Weeks 



John SimonfoiT 
John Sheany 
Jofli. Snow, a mate 
William Smith 
Daniel Talmage 
Andrew Stagpole 
John Andrews 
John Tillinghaft 
Charles Smith 
William Smith 
Charles Stewart" 
John Shaw 
John Backam 
John Roberts 
William Cole 
James Jones 
Thomas W^od 
Thomas Wife 
Robert Smith 
John G. Zenas 
William Watfoii 
Luke White 

Wallace 
Hans Loverty 
Samuel Wells 
John White 
John Williams 
Philip Squires 
Francis Cox 
Leonard Findley 
Thomas R. Green 
JefTe Cadwell 
Andrew Eweil 
Ed. Avcrell, 
Ed. Flayes 
Joflma Wright 
William Brown 



( 57 > 



Robert Williams 
John Ward 
James White 
William Stanley 
John Williams 
Jofeph White 
John H. Swinns 
John Spiers 
Trillham Spencer 
Alexander Stanton 
Otrick Barnwell 
Luther Tracy 
Andrew Moore 
Samuel Moore 
Francis Davis 
William Thomas 
John Schneider, jun. 
John Sebafton 
William Tuckes 



Henry Pearfon 
George Alho 
John Bell 
Charles Davis 
Freeman Swain 
Patrick Welfli 
William Skinner 
William Smith 
Robert Brown 
Samuel Howard 
Andrew Richee 
William Right 
Jack Bowier 
Samuel Gain 
Thomas Auld 
Thomas Williams 
Jofeph Murrall 
James Cornifli 
John Williams 



STATEMENT 

©( Impressed Seamen, made by William Savage, Esquke^ 
to the Department of State. 



James Stanford 
Thomas Crammer 
John Pearfon 
William Brown 
William Anthony, jun. 
John G. Serafton 
Nathaniel Hufton 
Jolhua L. Worthy 



William Robbins 
John Steward 
Michael Wales 
William M'Donald 
John Davis 
Martin Woolfe 
Robert Thomfpoa 
Daniel Teill 



H 



( 58) 



John Marfliall 
William Pickering 
John Murray 
James Morgan 
Edward Buckingham 
Littleton Warren 
John Dennis 
Thomas Flour 
John Cook 

Burns 

Chriftopher Beekman 
Thomas RatclifF 
Peter Holmes 
Peter Ribble 
William Cripps 
Archibald Fifher 



Daniel Whitehouie 
Gordon Minfet 
John Thomfon 
William Byroft 
John Hunt 
John Smith 
Stephen Hall 
Robert Mafters 
Freeman Swain 
Elias Dickinfon 
Thomas Behel.l 
Holfter Fowle 
James Smith 
Stephen Bradbury 
Aaron Dill 



By the fame (latement It appears, that on the 3d 
May, 1804, three paflengcrs from Galway, in Ire- 
land, to New Yoi k, were imprefled into the Britifti 
frigate Cambrian 

In the month of June of the fame year, three paf- 
f^-ngers were imprefled into the Britifh floop of war 
Driver. 

On the 13th July of the fame year, fix paflengers 
from Liverpool, were imprefled into the frigate 
Cambrian. 

In Auguft of the fame year, eighteen pafllengers, 
from Belfaft, in Ireland, were impreflTed into the 
/"ame frigate 

In the fame month, thirteen paflengers, from the 
fame place, were imprefled into the Britifli floop of 
war Hawk. 



( 59 ) 

Altogether, making forty- three paffengers taken 
from American veflels. 

It may not be improper to add another Inftance 
pf impreffment, in that of fourteen feamen, and one 
paffenger, from the Briti/Jj (hip Pitt, on the 17th 
June, 1 804, in the harbour of New York, by the 
Britifh frigate Cambrian. 

y^ The Statement of TmprelTments of American 
Seamen into the Brltifti Service, laid before Congrefs 
on the 19th January, 1805, contains a lift oi /even* 
teen hutidred and thirty-three feamen. That ftate- 
ment contained the names of fuch perfons only as 
had made application to be releafed; and it may 
fairly be inferred, that there were as many more 
impreflfcd, who had not an opportunity of applying 
.fio our government, or any of its agents, for redrefs^ 

FINIS. 



14888 190 



ERRATA. 

Page 3, line 22, for Illicit, read eliclte i page 7,, 
2d line from the bottom, for property, read prof- 
perity ; page 8, i8th line, for native born, read 
natural born; page 28, note 7th, for Bynkerftiookj, 
read Bynkerflioek ; page 34, 9th line, for Cookpy 
'-ead Coke. 



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